Adam Price’s Blog

The Blog of Adam Price AS/MP, Carmarthen East and Dinefwr

Adam Price MP / AS - Carmarthen East and Dinefwr

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30th January 2008

The now-time of Welsh history

The beauty of being-in-government is that ideas can become reality, and that reality in turn reshapes our ideas.  A few weeks ago I wrote in Golwg about the need for Wales to nation to honour its ‘living greats’ in the same way as Japan has done since the 1950s with its national ‘living treasures’ programme.   So it was a joy to read in today’s released minutes for the One Wales Government Cabinet meetings that this is one idea about to make it from wish-list to check-list.  Of course, its impact is purely symbolic. But symbols inspire. And inspiration does change lives, and, collectively, can change a nation.   

I look forward in the near future to shredding unused application forms for MBE (Minion of the British Empire?).  And not just out of some petty sense of nationalist pique.  The most pressing task we face as a movement is building up the self-confidence of a nation that has been bred on the mythology of its own inadequacy.  The eagerly anticipated Welsh Encyclopedia will show this to have been counter-factual in the case of our past; but role models have to live and breathe among us if we are to undo the poverty of aspiration which holds us back as a nation and crushes the hope among the young and disadvantaged.  

As a nation we have always had a penchant for sentimentalising the past, while neglecting the present; in part, this has been because the problems of the present were too big and too insoluble for us to solve for ourselves. Literally beyond our grasp, they had to be addressed at one step removed.  Our ersatz leaders, the ‘flame bearers of Welsh history’, were often, in the last analysis, tragic and marginal figures and, most of the time, literally dead.  Wordly success - writ large, in the present tense, in the major not the minor key - has always been achieved in exile (meaning mostly London, though sometimes America). 

The decision by the Welsh Government to extol the virtues of our ‘national living treasures’ - the likes of Bryn Terfel, Gwyneth Lewis, Gareth Edwards - (the FT has an interesting list  of their Welsh pantheon, both living and dead, though personally, like the Japanese and the WRU, I would apply the ‘home rule’) -  is then an act of collective self-affirmation.  Far from nationalism ‘vanishing’ in the shadow of the Coalition, as some Labour intellectuals have rather unconvincingly argued , nationalism has become the dominant theme of One Wales iconography as well as the animating principle of its policies. We’re the flame-bearers now.    

25th January 2008

Colofn Golwg

Pe bae mil tri chant o blant yn marw bob blwyddyn o newyn mi fyddai na derfysg ar y stryd. Ond gan taw oerfel sydd yn lladd tri chant ar ddeg, a’u bod nhw yn hen a methedig, mae tlodi tanwydd rywsut wedi osgoi hyd yma yr adwaith mae’n ei haeddu. Ond efallai bod hynny ar fin newid. Mae Nwy Prydain wedi cyhoeddi eu bwriad i godi eu prisiau o 15%, saith gwaith lefel chwyddiant. Dyma’r trydydd cwmni i gyhoeddi codiadau anferthol yn eu prisiau dros yr wythnosau diwethaf, ac y disgwyl yw y bydd gweddill y chwe chwmni mawr yn dilyn eu hesiampl yn ystod y mis.
Mae’r ffaith bod y cwmnïau yn cydgordio’r codiadau yn ôl rhai yn dystiolaeth bellach eu bod nhw yn gweithredu yn anghystadleuol, yn cynllwynio yn erbyn buddiannau eu cwsmeriaid. Mae cynrychiolwyr y chwe cwmni mawr wedi cyfaddef iddynt gwrdd bob deufis i drafod strategaeth. Does dim gwahoddiad i’w cystadleuwyr bychain sydd yn cwyno bod y corfforaethau mawr yn codi ffioedd afresymol, i gysylltu gyda gorsafoedd er enghraifft, er mwyn eu cadw mas o’r farchnad.
 
Mi oedd y llynedd yn flwyddyn fawr i gwmnïau ynni gyda lefel record o elw yn cael ei ennill yn sgil gostyngiad yn y prisoedd cyfanwerthu. Ychydig o’r budd a drosglwyddwyd i’r cwsmer, a nawr mae prisiau yn codi unwaith eto. Pan fydd Nwy Prydain yn cyhoeddi eu helw yn yr wythnosau nesaf yr amcangyfrif yw y bydd tua £750 miliwn. Ar ben hyn oll mi fydd y cwmnïau ynni yn ennill £9 biliwn o elw ychwanegol dros y pedair blynedd nesaf heb orfod gwneud dim. Yn syml mae’r cwmnïau yn trosglwyddo cost trwyddedau carbon newydd yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ymlaen i’r cwsmer er eu bod nhw yn derbyn y twyddedau tan 2012 yn rhad ac am ddim. Does dim syndod bod y cwmnïau ynni nawr wedi goddiweddyd y banciau o ran diffyg hygrededd gyda’i cwsmeriaid.

Mae undebau, defnyddwyr a hyd yn oedd rheoleiddydd sywddogol y sector ynni, Ofgem, wedi galw ar y Llywodraeth i gyflwyno treth-ar-elw-annisgwyl ar gwmnïau ynni ond mae’r Canghellor yn gyndyn i hyn rhag ofn i’r cwmnïau dorri nôl ar fuddsoddiad. Yn y cyfamser mae pensiynwyr trwy’r wlad yn torri nôl ar wres gyda chanlyniadau anochel. Mae prisiau ynni wedi dyblu dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf ond mae lwfans tanwydd gaeaf y llywodraeth wedi aros yr un peth. Mae’n hen bryd ei ddyblu. A’r cartel ynni ddylai dalu.

23rd January 2008

Second Homes Tax-break, second time arond

It’s reported that the Chancellor is going to make a statement tomorrow on changes to his proposals for capital gains tax following strong lobbying by the CBI, FSB and others. However, another possible consequence of the changes has had little profile and that is its implication for second-home owners and the negative implicationsfor the housing market, especially in areas like rural Wales.

Basically the Chancellor announced in his Pre-Budget Report in October last year that he was going to replace the current capital gains tax regime with a single rate of 18% irrespective of how long the investment has been held. As part of this ’simpification’ he is also proposing doing away with the distinction between business assets such as stock and shares and non-business assets, including houses other than people’s principal residence.

This change will make ownership of second homes much more financially attractive. Helpfully, to make my point for me, the HMRC uses a holiday home in Devon as the first example used in its guidance notes to illustrate the effects of the changes):

“In 1995 Mr E purchased a holiday home in Devon for £100,000. He sells it in July 2008 for £250,000. The CGT due is calculated by deducting the purchase cost of £100,000 from the sale proceeds of £250,000 to give a gain of £150,000. Assuming he has no other capital gains in the tax year 2008-09 he can deduct from this the full AEA of £9,200 giving a chargeable gain of £140,800. That gain is taxed at 18 per cent giving tax payable of £25,344. “

Under the current rates the owner of a second home will face a capital gains tax bill which is 40% of the gain in the value if the property has been held for one year lesl and this tapers down to a rate of 24% after ten years. Under the new proposals, the owner on selling after four years will face a tax liability of 18% rather than the current tapered rate of 35% i.e it will be half the current bill.

This will represent a big financial incentive for people to invest in the second-home market and will inevitably have a negative effect on affordable housing in many coastal and rural areas of Wales including my own constituency. I have written to the Chancellor asking him top reconsider these proposals.

We have been here before of course. A couple of years ago the Government was proposing that second homes be included as qualifying assets in Self-Invested Pension Schemes (SIPPs). As a result of campaigning by Plaid, ledby Hywel Williams MP, the Government dropped those proposals. I’m hoping they will see sense again and stop providing perverse incentives to price yet more local people out of rural communities.

15th January 2008

Hands Off The Lottery

We vote this afternoon on whether to hand over another massive chunk of Lottery money to plug the Government’s shortfall in its Olympics funding package.  The Alliance of local authorities in traditional industrial areas has forecast this means that Carmarthenshire alone will lose £6.5 million as a result of the Olympics lottery raid.  Plaid will be definitely voting against (along with the SNP) .  Will other Welsh MPs put Wales first? It remains to be seen.  It cannot be right that the most disadvantaged communities in Britain - places like the Amman Valley - should be penalised because of  the Government’s dodgy accounting. 

Since London itself will be the biggest beneficiary of the Games, then it’s surely right that London should pay for any additional expenditure.  And some Londoners can certainly afford it.  J.P. Morgan - Mr Blair’s new employer - and Citigroup are expected to declare their annual bonuses next week along with most of the other main investment banks in Canary Wharf and the Square Mile.  If the richest city in Europe needs regenerating then maybe we should ask its richest citizens to cough up and slap a windfall tax on City bonuses.  Surely an Olympic ’fat cat tax’ would be far fairer than this Robin-Hood-in-reverse-like raid on Wales’ poor.   

14th January 2008

Colofn Golwg

Fe fydd y Wyddeleg yn darfod fel iaith gymunedol bob-dydd o fewn ardaloedd y Gaeltacht o fewn ugain mlynedd, dyna oedd casgliad adroddiad diweddar a gomisynwyd gan weinidogion y Weriniaeth. Un o’r rhesymau am y besimistiaeth gyffredinol ydy’r methiant i greu cyd-destun cymdeithasol i’r iaith tu fas i iard yr ysgol. Yn ardaloedd traddodiadol y Gorllewin mi fyddai’r rôl yma ar un tro wedi ei chyflawni gan gyfuniad o’r Eglwys a’r teulu – ond gyda Chatholigiaeth ar drai (ar wahân i’r miloedd o fewnfudwyr pybyr o Wlad Pwyl) a chartrefi iaith-gymysg yn fwy-fwy cyffredin, mae’r Wyddeleg yn ei chael hi’n anodd darganfod ei phriod le yn yr Iwerddon fodern. Mae cenhedlaeth i-Pod y Gealtacht yn pleidleisio gyda’i thraed a’i negeseuon testun, yn ymadael â’r Gorllewin am oleuadau llachar ac atyniadau  aml-ddimensiynol y metropolis ar lannau’r Liffy.

Does dim syndod bod cynllunwyr iaith y Wyddeleg, a’i siaradwyr mwyaf brwd, yn llygadu Cymru a’r Gymraeg gydag eiddigedd hiraethus. Ond mae yna sawl gynhwysyn yn y creisus dirbodol ar draws y dwr a ddylai daro nodyn darbodus yng nghalon unrhyw Gymro. Y capel a’r aelwyd oedd mangre draddodiaol ein diwylliant ieithyddol ni,  ond gyda cholli grym “Rhodd Mam” a hyd-yn-oed “mam-iaith” fel trosglwyddyddion diwylliannol, y system addysg sydd yn awr yn gorfod yswgyddo’r baich. 

A dyna grynswth deilema y Cymro a’r Gael. Yr ydym yn hyfforddi cenhedlaeth o bobl ifainc yn ddwyieithog ar gyfer byd gwaith sydd – fel rhyw ‘outpost’ ymerodrol - yn gweinyddu y rhan fwyaf trwy’r Saesneg. Ar wahan i eithriad anrhydeddus Cyngor Sir Gwynedd, ac wrth reswm, Bwrdd yr Iaith ac S4C, prin ydy’r cyrff cyhoeddus sydd wedi cymryd camau gwirioneddol tuag at wneud y Gymraeg yn iaith weinyddu mewnol – er teg yw nodi bod prosiectau peilot o leiaf ar y gweill gan Heddlu Gogledd Cymru a Chyngor Ceredigion. Mae’r methiant cyffredinol yn creu marc cwestiwn uwchlaw ddyfnder yr ymwrymiad i greu Cymru gwirioneddol ddwyieithog a geir yn Iaith Pawb. Un o brif argymhellion y Comisiwn ar y Gaeltacht ym 1926 ag anwybyddwyd gan de Valera oedd yr awgrym i wneud y Wyddeleg yn brif iaith gweinyddu yr ardaloedd hynny unwaith yn rhagor. Mae’r gweithle wedi’r cwbl yn ganolbwynt i’r bwydau ni  - dyna lle y ffurfir cyfeillach a pherthynas y dyddiau hyn.  Mae ennill lle canolog i’r Gymraeg ym myd gwaith, felly,  yn hanfodol i’w dyfodol fel iaith gymunedol. Dyna yw gwersi Catalunya ac Euskadi – sy’n llywddo – ac Iwerddon – sydd wedi methu.   

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Within twenty years Gaelic will die as an every day language in the Gaeltacht, according to the findings of a recent report commissioned by the Republic of Ireland. One of the reasons of the general pessimism is the failure to create a social context to the language outside the school gates. In the traditional areas in the West, this role was once fulfilled by the Church and the family – but with Catholicism on its way out (with the exception of the thousands of Catholic immigrants from Poland) and mixed-language households becoming more and more common, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the Gaelic language to find its feet in modern day Ireland. The i-Pod generation of the Gaeltacht are voting with their feet and text messages, leaving the West for the bright lights and the multi-dimensional attractions of the metropolis on the banks of the Liffy.

It’s no surprise that Irish language planners, and its most enthusiastic speakers, are looking longingly at Wales and the Welsh language. But there are some ingredients in the crisis across the water that should hit a warning sign in the heart of any Welshman. The chapel and home were the traditional centres of our linguistic culture, but with the chapels closing their doors and Welsh slipping away as the mother tongue, it is now up to the education system to transfer the language to the new generations.

We are training a generation of bilingual youth for working life that operates mainly through the medium of English. Apart from the honourable exception of Gwynedd Council, and of course the Welsh Language Board and S4C, precious little public bodies are taking real steps towards making Welsh the language of internal administration; although I must add that North Wales Police and Ceredigion Council have pilot projects in the pipeline. The general failure however forms a question mark about the depth of commitment to create a truly bilingual Wales as planned in Iaith Pawb.

One of the Commission’s main recommendations for the Gaeltacht in 1926, ignored by de Valera, was the suggestions to make Gaelic the main language of administration in those areas once again. After all, the workplace is the centre of our lives – it is where friendships and relationships blossom nowadays. Making Welsh an integral part of working life is essential to the future of the language as a community language. That is what is thriving in Catalunya and Euskadi and what has failed in Ireland.   

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